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\begin{document}

\begin{noXML}

%\TopicEF{Human Environment Observatory}{Observatoire Homme Milieu (OHM)}
%\makeatletter
%\def\TITREspecial{\relax}
%\def\cdr@specialtitle@english{Human Environment Observatory}
%\def\cdr@specialtitle@french{Observatoire Homme Milieu (OHM)}
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\title{The Provence Coalfield: trajectory, assessment and prospective}

\alttitle{Le bassin minier de Provence : trajectoire, bilan et prospective}

\shortrunauthors

\author{\firstname{Sylvie} \lastname{Daviet}\CDRorcid{0000-0003-4277-1674}}
\address{Aix-Marseille Univ, CNRS, TELEMME, Aix-en-Provence, France}
\email[S. Daviet]{sylvie.daviet@univ-amu.fr}

\author{\firstname{Alexandra} \lastname{Schleyer-Lindenmann}\CDRorcid{0000-0002-6173-4628}}
\address{Aix-Marseille Univ, Universit\'{e} C\^{o}te d'Azur, Avignon
Universit\'{e}, CNRS, ESPACE, Avignon, France} 
\email[A. Schleyer-Lindenmann]{alexandra.lindenmann@univ-amu.fr}

\author{\firstname{Jean-Claude} \lastname{Raynal}\CDRorcid{0009-0004-2247-0748}}
\address{Aix-Marseille Univ, CNRS, ECCOREV, Aix-en-Provence, France}
\email[J.-C. Raynal]{jean-claude.raynal@univ-amu.fr}

\author{\firstname{Pierre} \lastname{Batteau}\CDRorcid{0000-0003-1058-4516}}
\address{Aix-Marseille Univ, CERGAM, Aix-en-Provence, France}
\email[P. Batteau]{pierre.batteau@iae-aix.com}

\author{\firstname{Yves} \lastname{Noack}\CDRorcid{0000-0001-7837-8693}\IsCorresp}
\address{Aix-Marseille Univ, CNRS, IRD, INRAE, CEREGE, Aix-en-Provence, France}
\email[Y. Noack]{noack@cerege.fr}

\begin{abstract}
The trajectory taken by the Provence Coalfield (or Bassin Minier de
Provence), located between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille, is explained
by its long mining history,  disrupted by the closure of the
mine in 2003. We approach this space from a global perspective,
considering the social, economic and environmental dimensions of the
socio-ecosystem. The conclusion puts forward scenarios for the
evolution of the territory and the perspectives for research,
underlining the growing role of the energy transition, especially in
the context of the closure of the coal-fired power plant.  
\end{abstract}

\begin{altabstract}
La trajectoire du Bassin Minier de Provence (BMP), localis\'e entre
Aix-en-Provence et Marseille, s'explique par une longue histoire
mini\`ere, interrompue par l'arr\^et de la mine en 2003. Nous abordons cet
espace dans une perspective globale, en consid\'erant les dimensions
sociales, \'economiques et environnementales du socio-\'ecosyst\`eme. La
conclusion propose des scenarii d'\'evolution du territoire et des
perspectives de recherche, soulignant le r\^ole ascendant de la
transition \'energ\'etique, notamment dans le contexte de la fermeture de
la centrale \`a charbon.
\end{altabstract}

\keywords{\kwd{Alumina}
\kwd{Coal}
\kwd{Energy transition}
\kwd{Human--environment interactions}
\kwd{Interdisciplinarity}
\kwd{Bassin Minier de Provence}
\kwd{Reconversion}}

\altkeywords{\kwd{Alumine}
\kwd{Charbon}
\kwd{Transition \'energ\'etique}
\kwd{Interactions homme--environnement}
\kwd{Interdisciplinarit\'e}
\kwd{Bassin Minier de Provence}
\kwd{Reconversion}}


\maketitle

\twocolumngrid

\end{noXML}

\section{General introduction} \label{mark-1.}

The need to give expression to the work of the Human--Environment
Observatories (OHM) through some major themes was interpreted
collectively within the Provence Coalfield Observatory (referred to as
the OHM-BMP). The longevity of this research facility entered its
fifteenth year in 2022. The \mbox{OHM-BMP} was launched in 2007 and has
produced a diverse body of work since then. An initial synthesis of the
origins and development of this pioneering observatory was published in
2014 \citep{RobertBatteau2014} as part of a book on human--environment
interactions \citep{ChenorkianRobert2014}. The following discussions
naturally use this text as a starting point. Firstly, they aim to
analyse the responses of the socio-ecosystem to the \textit{disrupting}
event underpinning the OHM BMP, then the research facility and its main
results. Finally, they look at the perspectives for research and the
OHM-BMP's involvement in action research.

{\advance\baselineskip by -.1pt
The trajectory taken by the Provence Coalfield (referred to by its
French acronym BMP or Bassin Minier de Provence), located between
Aix-en-Provence and Marseille, is explained by its long mining history
(\textit{structuring fact}); its \textit{disrupting event}, the
closure of the mine in 2003, is antagonistic to the structuring fact.
We approach this space from a global perspective, considering the
social, economic and environmental dimensions of the socio-ecosystem
\citep{BerkesFolke1998,LagadeucChenorkian2009,Ostrom2009}.
According to the terminology specific to human--environment
observatories \citep{Chenorkian2014}, the aim is to examine how
upheaval takes place, the resulting transformations, and the subsystems
most affected, within a perimeter (the former employment area of the
mine) made up of 17 municipalities (the focal object) representing just
over 100,000 inhabitants. Here, the trajectory is studied in two
distinct sequences: the first, which precedes the disrupting event,
takes a retrospective observation approach; the second, following the
disrupting event, seeks to highlight the points of\break disrupted. 

To study the research system, we look at the various calls for
projects, the contribution made by the different disciplines
\citep{Chenorkian2020} and the use of the science/society interface.
The themes are analysed via a lexicographical study of the titles and
research projects selected. The research results focus on the two
fields that have accounted for more than half of the research projects,
namely (i) alumina and the issue of bauxite residues and (ii) the
question of slag heaps. However, since 2020 the energy transition has
come to the forefront with the scheduled closure of the coal-fired
power plant. It should be noted that these fields of research lend
themselves particularly well to an interdisciplinary approach combining
the physical and chemical sciences, ecology and the social sciences.

\section{The transitions underway in the Provence coalfield before the \textit{disrupting event}} 

\subsection{Peri-urbanization and industrial reconversion: a twofold
transition starting from the 1970s--1980s}

In the final quarter of the 20{th} century, the Provence Coalfield
followed a course similar to that of many European coalfields 
\citep{Daviet2005,Daumalinetal2006}, against the more specific
background of French energy policies, marked by the decline of coal,
the oil crisis and the development of nuclear power.}

At the territorial level, the decline of coal was accompanied by a
series of industrial conversion measures after the 1960s and 1970s,
with different impacts depending on the mining basins and their
geographical environments \citep{Daviet2006}. Just outside Marseille, a
twofold transition began in the 1970s--1980s, some thirty years before
mining ended (2003). \looseness=1

On the one hand, there are the reconversion measures, which were
stepped up between 1985 and 2005 through the \textit{Fonds
d'Industrialisation du Bassin Minier} (FIBM) fund, fostering the
emergence of a new high-tech industrial hub focused on
microelectronics, the epicentre of which was located in the northern
part of the coalfield, in the municipality of Rousset 
\citep{Daviet1999,Daviet2002,GarnierZimmermann2006}. This new centre of activity, in one
of the oldest industrial areas in the department, surpasses the former
mining centre in terms of jobs (around 5000). However, it has
undergone some cyclical adjustments. For example, it had 7000 jobs at
the end of 2000, before the Atmel factory was wound up in 2013; its
site remained unoccupied until 2022. Nonetheless, this hub is firmly
anchored in a sector with metropolitan and regional scope demonstrated
by the creation of the SCS (Secure Communicating Solutions)
competitiveness cluster, of which Rousset is the headquarters 
\citep{DangLonghi2009}. On the other hand, there has been a general trend
towards peri-urbanization \citep{Ferreira1988,Ferreira1991} and metropolitan
expansion, affecting the whole of the area and the agricultural and
rural communities in the east and south of the basin in particular,
with them forming a commuter belt for people working in Aix-en-Provence
and Marseille. Against this background, we witness the ongoing
artificialization of land, as documented in a series of
interdisciplinary studies of the BMP observatory
\citep{Kelleretal2012}.

This two-pronged development, with the emergence of a new high-tech
industrial centre, on the one hand, and a process of
peri-urbanization/{\ubreak}metropolization on the other, has not
occurred in a uniform manner across the region. Reflecting the
components of the structuring fact, it follows a centre/periphery model
in which we can distinguish two subsystems: the \textit{Gardannais}
subsystem, which is the epicentre of the Provence Coalfield and retains
its traditional attributes, and the subsystem made up of the evolving
peripheral areas.

\subsection{A centre/periphery dichotomy}

\subsubsection{Gardanne, the epicentre of the Provence\newline Coalfield}

First of all, it is necessary to observe how the area has changed over
time. The mine and all the related elements (shafts and headframes,
slag heaps, the mining population and miners' housing) developed from
east to west over two centuries, turning Gardanne into the most
emblematic town in the Provence Coalfield \citep{Daumalin2005}. The
alumina plant was established there at the end of the
19{th} century \citep{Mioche1994} and the highest slag
heaps, with their iconic conical shapes, are found there. The major
industrial infrastructures are also concentrated there, e.g. the
Gardanne--Meyreuil power station, with its high cooling towers and its
297~m chimney, the highest in France. Gardanne also hosted the
last Yvon Morandat pit, with a 1109-m-deep shaft, active from 1989
to 2003. One of the last remaining communist municipalities in the
Bouches-du-Rh\^{o}ne department remained in place here until 2020, a
symbol of the labour struggles, persistent trade unionism and the
socio-political identity of the basin. 

\subsubsection{Evolving peripheral areas}

While the mining heritage is apparent in the landscape and in the
social, political and environmental components in and around Gardanne,
which stands like a fortress beleaguered by the inexorable decline of
the mine, the new dynamics were first felt on the edges and in the
peripheral areas of the former coalfield, crossed by the motorways to
the north (A8), east (A52) and west (A51). These roads have served as
centrifugal forces connecting the margins and peripheries of the basin
to the metropolitan area, shaping new landscapes and welcoming new
inhabitants and new activities, as can be seen in the Rousset-Peynier
industrial zone. In the north, east and south of the coalfield,
exogenous dynamics have become predominant 
\citep{DavietRobert2012},
while Gardanne has remained influenced by endogenous forces. A
retrospective observation of the territorial socio-ecosystem therefore
points to an open and differentiated system in the Provence Coalfield
where the centre/periphery dichotomy was consolidated well before the
disrupting event\break (Figure~\ref{fig1}).

\begin{figure*}
{\vspace*{1pt}}
\includegraphics{fig01}
{\vspace*{1pt}}
\caption{\label{fig1}The Provence Coalfield and the reconfiguration of
its territory.}
{\vspace*{1pt}}
\end{figure*}

\section{Since the disrupting event: the disruptive forces at work and the shift in the system}\label{mark-3.}

With a disrupting event that is antagonistic to the structuring fact,
it is only natural that from 2003 onwards we head into a period of
disruptions. Here we distinguish between the endogenous systemic
upheavals specific to the territory itself, which mark multiple
transitions, and the forces at work outside the territory. 

\subsection{Post-mining disruptions within the territory}

\subsubsection{The period from 2003 to 2020 was marked by the metamorphosis of the slag heaps and the Yvon Morandat Pit}

Although the mine's structural legacy remains present in the landscape,
with elements such as the headframes and slag heaps, they are
increasingly considered as heritage features. In Gr\'{e}asque (see
Figure~\ref{fig4}), for example, where a mining museum now occupies the
former shaft of the H\'{e}ly d'Oissel pit, which operated from 1919 to
1962; its headframe is listed in the inventory of historical industrial
buildings. Globally, slag heaps have also been given a new vocation
\citep{Beets2009}. After being used exclusively for mining during the
time of the Charbonnages de France (CDF) national mining company, they
were transferred to municipal ownership at a time when new uses were
emerging, converting them to recreational areas, solar farms, etc. This
was a real godsend for municipal authorities faced with urban land
pressure, providing them with new resources in the context of the
energy transition \citep{Duruisseau2016}. For example, on the Sauvaires
slag heap (Gardanne), 17 hectares were converted for a ground-based
photovoltaic plant in 2013. The company Urbasolar, in charge of the
operation, is paying the municipality a concession fee of
{\texteuro}200,000 per year over approximately thirty years. This has
set an example for other slag heaps and other municipal councils.  

Meanwhile, the main mining site, the Puits Yvon Morandat pit, has been
closed in 2003 and has since undergone extensive redevelopment in a
project spanning 14 hectares. This is undoubtedly the largest
post-mining development operation in the coalfield. The former pit was
acquired by the municipal council in 2004 and earmarked to become an
economic, energy and cultural centre, with a business park for
innovative technologies and a city of science serving the whole
metropolitan area (the new city council subsequently abandoned the
science city project). The whole complex will be powered by a
geothermal energy network using water recovered from the old mine
galleries. The operation was originally led by a municipal
public--private structure, the SEMAG. With the slogan ``Gardanne terre
d'\'{e}nergies'' (Gardanne, land of energy), the municipal council
(which was communist-led until spring~2020) wants the energy transition
to be a major focus of its regeneration policy for the area, while
maintaining a parentage with coal, insofar as the new energies use the
infrastructures inherited from the mine. As a result, the territory is
influenced by ``path dependence'' and witnesses a strong capacity of
evolution \citep{BoschmaMartin2007,Mackinnon2008,Chabrol2016}. In
other words, by showing that the infrastructures inherited from the
past become resources of the present, we underline a certain ``path
dependency'' but also ``a path of transformation''. Through this example,
we can thus see that the disruptive phenomenon shifts into a path of
resilience, as we will specify in the conclusion. 

\subsubsection{The three key events of 2020--2022}

As for the last remaining symbols of the industrial heyday, 2020--2022
marks a real turning point. The first key event concerns the coal-fired
power station. In view of the energy and climate policies\break designed to
decarbonize the economy, in January 2020 the French government
announced the closure of the last four coal-fired power stations still
in operation in the country (Le Havre, Saint Avold, Cordemais,
Gardanne) \citep{Perroux2022}.

The Gardanne plant, which has been acquired successively by different
operators since the cessation of the national company Charbonnages de
France (SNET, ENDESA, EON, UNIPER and GazelEnergie), comprises two
units still active: the Unit~4  which  is converted to biomass, since
2012, and has the backing of the public authorities but is disputed  by
various environmental organizations. The Unit 5, which was
coal-fired, was closed in 2022 following a long labour dispute.

The alumina plant, which has also changed hands several times
(P\'{e}chiney, Alcan, Rio Tinto and Alteo), has regularly hit the
headlines because of its ``red mud'' residues \citep{Mioche2011}. Since
2016, only liquid effluents have been discharged into the sea. Alteo
was placed in receivership in December 2019 and on 7 January 2020, the
Marseille Commercial Court rubber-stamped the only bid still in
contention from Guinean company United Mining Supply (UMS). It has
decided to halt the transformation of bauxite using the Bayer process
(which dates back to 1893) and which is responsible for the infamous
red mud. Speciality alumina is to be produced from alumina hydrate
purchased from European suppliers, and this is expected to result in
the redundancy of around fifty employees (according to Alteo's
statement to the site monitoring committee on 3 March\break 2022). 

Finally, the spring~2020 municipal elections resulted in a new mayor
for Gardanne, Herv\'{e} Granier, representing the right-wing Les
R\'{e}publicains party. After 43 years under a communist mayor, Roger
Me\"{i}, the town of Gardanne is now led by a new majority. This is a
major socio-political shift and its impact on municipal policy remains
to be seen. However, from the same sociological mould as the previous
municipal council, the left-wing CGT trade union at the power station
has maintained resolute action at the site, firstly against the closure
of Unit~5, and then as the backer of a new industrial venture, the
Green Gas project. In April 2022, Green Gas Gardanne gained recognition
from the public authorities for the first time, alongside the Hynovera
project led by GazelEnergie and Hy2gen.

\subsubsection{The great transformation now affects the heart of the socio-ecosystem}

These three significant episodes (the end of the coal-fired power
station, the shift away from the Bayer process at the alumina plant,
and the end of the communist administration in Gardanne) are the
outcome of multiple twists and turns that deserve lengthy discussion in
their own right. Almost 20 years after the end of coal mining, they
symbolize, at the same time, new ruptures related to the old system but
also mark the opening of new chapters in political, economic and
socio-environmental terms. It is important to highlight the
pervasiveness and power of environmental conflicts \citep{Boutin2018,Boutinetal2019}, 
which now tend to take precedence over the
historical labour disputes. The local debate echoes international
awareness and mobilization around global change and environmental
conservation. The concomitance of the three key events mentioned above
constitutes a marker in the post-mining trajectory of the Gardanne
cluster, as the historical heart of the mining legacy. The
\textit{great transformation} \citep{Polanyi1998} no longer affects
only the peripheries of the socio-ecosystem, but also shakes it at its
core, which nonetheless continues to regenerate through new
initiatives. 

There are two lessons to be learned here: firstly, the disrupting event
is like an earthquake with a series of aftershocks (such as the closure
of the coal-fired power station almost twenty years after the mine
closed); secondly, the shockwave of the disrupting event, with the
transformations brought about, does not necessarily run from the centre
to the periphery but, in this case, from the periphery to the centre
(the municipalities of Gardanne and Meyreuil are mainly concerned).

{\vspace*{-2pt}}

\subsection{A new metropolitan framework and change of scale for the BMP}

{\vspace*{-2pt}}

The first stone of the new P\^{o}le Yvon Morandat economic, energy and
cultural centre was finally laid on 2 April 2021, in presence of the
new mayor, the president of the Regional Council, the senior
vice-president of the metropolitan area and the financial backers.
There has in fact been a change in the institutional framework, with
the creation of the M\'{e}tropole d'Aix-Marseille Provence
intercommunal structure in 2016. This is the {largest
metropolitan area in France} with 92 municipalities, which is
considerably more than the 17 municipalities of the former Provence
Coalfield. This change in scale and power reflects the new remit of the
metropolitan authority, which now steers the large planning, economic
development and transport projects. The territory's industrial vocation
has not been forgotten, but it is now part of new public policy
mechanisms such as the ``Territoires d'industrie'' scheme (2018) or the
national recovery plan (2020), in a context where France and its
European neighbours are increasingly aware that their productive
capacities have been neglected and are aiming to restore a certain
degree of industrial sovereignty. At the local level, a ``Territorial
Pact for the Ecological and Industrial Transition of the Territory''
was signed on 23 December 2020, under State authority, in order to
ensure the mobilization and coordination of stakeholders within a
``territorial project'' in the context of the plant's closure. 

However, the position of the local territory within a metropolitan area
with a population of 1.9~million raises various questions. The closure
of each major industrial facility in the former Provence Coalfield
frees up several dozen hectares of land and creates fierce competition
and power struggles over the reallocation of that land: in favor of new
energies, new logistical infrastructures, new residential or
recreational areas, and more rarely new manufacturing industries. The
opportunity to design and develop new spaces and remodel the future is
occurring in a more complex social and political arena, where the
stakeholders are more numerous and diverse, where local identities are
diluted, and municipal power seems to be eroded. The new equilibrium
towards which the territory is evolving is not therefore settled just
yet and will require further adjustments. 

\section{The OHM-BMP: organization and \textit{modus operandi} of research}

\subsection{The OHM-BMP and its research system}

Research within the OHM is carried out through calls for research
projects (APR), which were issued annually until 2019 and on a biennial
basis since then. The APR provides broad guidelines for research, with
two main focuses: the relationship with the disrupting event and, as
far as possible, an interdisciplinary approach. Between 2008 (date of
the first call for \mbox{research} projects for the OHM BMP) and 2022, just
over a hundred research projects were conducted by twenty or so teams,
mainly from Aix-Marseille University (the three universities in the
area merged in 2012 to form Aix-Marseille University, or AMU). 

The annual number of projects varies between four and twelve. Given the
nature of the OHM BMP's disrupting event, the themes covered by these
projects can be grouped into three main categories: (1) the markers of
mining history, namely the slag heaps; (2) contamination linked to the
alumina plant and the associated conflict; (3) the energy transition.
The share of each of these themes has varied over time. The energy
issue was very prominent in the first few years but declined after
three or four years, only to return in force in the 2022~APR, when the
coal-fired power plant was closed down and plans were made to convert
the site. The study of slag heaps developed gradually until 2019, but
the theme is now on the decline. The issue of the alumina plant and its
conflict emerged in 2010 with strong growth from 2014 onwards with the
new method for managing bauxite residues; the new industrial process
set up in 2022 is expected to be studied further. By their very nature,
these three themes lend themselves well to an interdisciplinary
approach. 

While the contribution from the physical, chemical and ecological
sciences has gradually developed and become predominant since 2012, the
role of the social sciences (geography, sociology, economics, etc.),
which were highly represented between 2008 and 2012, has decreased with
the emergence of the Labex, or ``laboratories of excellence'' (two
Labex in particular are indicative of this change: LabexMed, which is
home to the AMU's social sciences focused on Mediterranean issues, and
the AMSE Labex for economic sciences). The social sciences have made a
significant comeback since 2018 with respect to two issues: the
environmental conflict concerning the alumina plant and the energy
transition.

\subsection{Disciplines and interdisciplinarity}

Analysis of human--environment interactions is based on two principles
that underpin the OHMs: firstly, interdisciplinarity, which is key to
understanding complex issues relating to hybrid topics involving the
natural sciences, the humanities and social sciences
\citep{Chenorkian2020}, and secondly, the link between science and
society, which facilitates a mutually beneficial exchange between
scientists and local stakeholders. These principles are applied and
deployed in the research projects whose themes we analyse over the
following pages.

For the record, in the context of the calls for projects, the OHM BMP
and the Labex DRIIHM ({Interdisciplinary Research on
Human--Environment Interactions}) funded 108 research projects. These
projects were submitted by 59 different applicants (on range, between 1
and 11 projects per applicant). These applicants are mainly from the
Social Sciences (31\%), Earth Sciences (24\%) and Natural Sciences
(17\%), as shown in Figure~\ref{fig2}. 


\begin{figure}
\includegraphics{fig02}
{\vspace*{-3pt}}
\caption{\label{fig2}Disciplines declared by project leaders.
ES $=$ Earth Sciences; SS $=$ Human and Social Sciences; NS $=$ Ecology
and Biology EM $=$ Economy and management; PC $=$ Physico-chemical
Sciences; G\'{e}omat $=$ G\'{e}omatics.}
{\vspace*{-3pt}}
\end{figure}

The disciplines involved in the project are also stated in the project
submission files. Overall, 34 disciplines were cited for a total of 247
mentions (on average, 2.3 disciplines are cited per project)
(Figure~\ref{fig3}).

\begin{figure*}
\includegraphics{fig03}
\caption{\label{fig3}Distribution of disciplines mentioned in the
projects.  (a)~Percentage of citation per discipline group. SS $=$
Human and Social Sciences; NS $=$ Natural Sciences (Ecology and
Biology); ES $=$ Earth Sciences; EM $=$ Economy and Management
Sciences; G\'{e}omat $=$ G\'{e}omatics; HS $=$ Health Sciences; PC $=$
Physico-chemical Sciences. (b)~Number of projects concerned for each
discipline.}
\end{figure*}

The Social Sciences disciplines represent 30\% of the citations
(geography and sociology are the most frequent) and are present in 43\%
of the projects, followed by the Natural Sciences cited at 24\%
(ecology and biogeochemistry are the most frequent) and present in 37\%
of the projects, then Earth Sciences at 21\% (geochemistry and pedology
are the most frequent) and present in 32\% of the projects. The Health
Sciences are very poorly represented (only 1 project supported:
presence in only 9\% of the projects). More than a third of the
projects in the Social\break Sciences, Economic Sciences or Management
Sciences cite only these disciplines, compared to only a quarter of the
projects in the Natural Sciences or Earth Sciences. Social Sciences are
predominantly associated with Economics and Natural Sciences. Natural
or Earth Sciences are equally associated with the other groups. 

Overall, we can draw two main conclusions from these tables. The first
concerns the balance of the forces involved. It underscores the role of
the Natural and Earth Sciences and the Physical and Chemical Sciences,
which together account for half of the applicants or disciplines
mentioned. This reflects the significance of the Arbois-Mediterranean
Environment Technology Park within the metropolitan area. The Social
Sciences and Economic and Management Sciences rank second with
approximately 40\% of applicants. The various disciplines are therefore
relatively well balanced within the OHM, with the exception of Health
Sciences, which are a major focus at metropolitan level, but make a
small contribution to the OHM BMP. The second lesson concerns
interdisciplinarity. The associations between disciplines give rise to
a number of different combinations, but the research projects are
evidence of genuine interdisciplinary practice involving different
disciplines within the same group, or cross-sectoral practice involving
different disciplinary groups. 

\subsection{The science/society interface}

The science/society interface, i.e. the relationship between research
and local stakeholders, was assessed from three perspectives: the
strategy adopted for the annual seminars, the scientific outreach
activities, and participation in various official bodies.
Figure~\ref{fig4} shows these different situations.

\begin{figure*}
\vspace*{-3pt}
\includegraphics{fig04}
\vspace*{-3pt}
\caption{\label{fig4}Map of the science/society interface within the OHM-BMP.}
\vspace*{-4pt}
\end{figure*}

The most significant interactions between science and society occur
during the annual seminars (red circle), which take place each
year in a different town in the Provence mining basin or at the OHM
headquarters in the Arbois-M\'{e}diterran\'{e}e Environmental
Technology Park in Aix-en-Provence.

During these seminars, the results obtained by the research projects
financed over the previous two years are presented to an audience made
up of both researchers and representatives of the wider community
(elected representatives, socio-economic operators, associations,
citizens). These community\break stakeholders can account for between 25\%
and 50\% of the audience each year. This choice to open up interaction
with society is a specific feature of the OHM BMP (shared with the OHM
Pays de Bitche, for example). Of the 13 seminars organized since 2009,
three have been held in Aix-en-Provence, three in Gardanne, and others
in Bouc-Bel-Air, Fuveau, Meyreuil, Simiane-Collongue, Trets and Rousset
(see Figure~\ref{fig4}). These debriefing seminars are therefore an
opportunity to visit communities with different profiles within the
OHM-BMP territory. 

The dissemination of scientific culture (black triangle) is also an
important activity of the OHM BMP and has been done in different ways:
(a) several participations in the F\^{e}te de la Science, in Gardanne;
(b) public conferences, both on the theme of mining activity and on
that of atmospheric pollution in the territory; (c) the theme of the
conflict around the alumina plant fueled several forum theater
sessions, with the active participation of local residents or
association activists; (d) introduction to the scientific approach, on
the theme of atmospheric pollution, in schools. Finally, the OHM BMP
had the opportunity to present its work to various official \mbox{commissions}
(green square) such as the environmental commission of the Pays d'Aix
territory, the Lafarge Site Monitoring Commission (CSS) and especially
the CSS Alteo of which the OHM is a permanent member in the College of
Experts.

Over the years, the science/society interface has thus become firmly
anchored in the research\break landscape and practices, gradually covering
the territory under study and a wide range of topics. 

\section{Research themes and results}

\subsection{Analysis of the themes addressed in the\newline selected projects}

As part of our assessment of the OHM BMP's work, our aim was to
identify the predominant themes in the projects selected since the
OHM's creation. To do so, we undertook a lexicographical analysis of
the 108 research projects selected between 2008 and 2020. First, the
entire corpus was analysed, then the prevalence of certain themes
according to year was verified. The corpus contained 1782 occurrences
(${=}$textual elements) and 701 forms (different words), including 501
hapax (words that appear only once). 

The quantitative analysis was conducted using textual analysis software
IRaMuTeQ [R Interface for Multidimensional analysis of Texts and
Questionnaires; \citealp{LoubereRatinaud2014}]. The software performs
lemmatization (pooling all the words that share a common root) which
simplifies the analysis. We completed this lemmatization process in a
multidisciplinary team to link, for example, words like
``environnemental'' and ``environnement''. The term
``Bassin-minier-de-Provence'' (Provence Coalfield) or ``BMP'', included
in the vast majority of titles, as well as the location ``Gardanne'',
which dominated the frequency count but did not provide any information
differentiating the projects, were deleted. Some terms such as red mud
were hyphenated to be treated as a single word.

For our analysis of the titles, only two categories of root words were
retained: nouns and adjectives. IRaMuTeQ enables different types of
analysis, from the simplest (counting word frequencies, counting
associations between words) to the most complex (class formation by
top-down hierarchical analysis). 

The results are presented in different forms: word cloud
(Figure~\ref{fig5}), association graph (Figure~\ref{fig6}), and class
hierarchy (Figure~\ref{fig7}). In the word cloud (Figure~\ref{fig5}),
all the words that appear at least three times across all titles are
shown. The larger the size of the word, the more frequent it is in the
corpus. We can see that the most frequent words are (the French words
for) ``environment'' (18 occurrences) and ``soil'' (with 17
occurrences), followed by ``slag heap'' and ``red mud'' (each with 11
occurrences), then ``analysis'', ``industrial'', ``impact'' (10
occurrences each). These reflect the two main groups of projects
selected in the framework of the APRs: on the one hand, projects
concerning the alumina plant and the management of bauxite residues (30
projects); on the other hand, projects on slag heaps (structure,
vegetation, etc.---25 projects). During the period 2008--2020, the study
of soil and the study of the environment were central to the projects
selected by the OHM BMP. While the term ``soil'' seems to be clearly
anchored in the natural sciences (geochemistry, biology, etc.), the
term ``environment'' is less easy to characterize without further
information. We will therefore look at which words are frequently
associated with these two terms (Figure~\ref{fig6}).

\begin{figure}
\includegraphics{fig05}
\caption{\label{fig5}Word cloud derived from the titles of projects
selected between 2008 and 2020.}
\end{figure}

\begin{figure*}
\vspace*{-1pt}
\includegraphics{fig06}
\vspace*{-1pt}
\caption{\label{fig6}Graph showing word associations at threshold~3.}
\vspace*{-2pt}
\end{figure*}

\begin{figure*}
\vspace*{-3.5pt}
\includegraphics{fig07}
\vspace*{-3pt}
\caption{\label{fig7}Dendrogram obtained by top-down hierarchical classification.}
\vspace*{-4pt}
\end{figure*}

The graph shown in Figure~\ref{fig6} illustrates all the associations
between words that appear at least three times (frequency detailed in
the legend). The two central terms: ``environment'' and ``soil'' are
more easily interpreted, as they are linked to other significant terms.
In particular, the word ``soil'' is associated with
``characterization'' (six times), ``red mud'' and ``OHM'' (five times
each), as well as ``slag heap'', ``quality'' and ``microbial'' (four
times each). In the work carried out within the OHM BMP, the studies on
soils---concerning either slag heaps or red mud (or bauxite 
residues)---have mainly focused on their characterization and their
reconversion possibilities/potentialities.

The other key term---``environment''---is more comprehensible and
interpretable in this context. It appears to be equally linked to the
natural sciences (five times, with ``atmospheric'', itself linked eight
times with ``particle'', not to mention ``impacts'' and ``pollution''),
and to the history of the coalfield, with its ``industrial''
``environment'' (five associations) and its ``territory'' (four
associations). Aspects concerning health risks and health also revolve
around the term ``environment'', which thus relates to issues of
interest to the human and social sciences. Particulate air pollution is
a theme concerning around 10\% of all projects; with its impacts
extending to the whole ``environment'' around the point of emission,
with consequences for health. However, industrial environment is also
observed with the conversion of the territory's industries, studied in
the early years of the OHM. \looseness=-1

These two dominant terms are in turn linked to each other by the chain
of ``slag heap'', ``study'', ``development'' and ``territory''. The term
``development'' has at least two meanings: on the one hand, the
development of methodologies and study procedures (numerous in the
framework of the projects funded), connecting in this context to the
word ``soil'', and on the other hand, development in the sense of
change, transformation (sustainable or economic) of the territory, in
connection with the ``environment''.

An analysis based on discourse classes reveals five classes of roughly
equal size, which confirms the previous analyses (Figure~\ref{fig7}). 

The first class, which stands out from all the others, significantly
($p < 0.01$) combines the terms ``environment'', ``risk'', ``use'' and
``space''. This class brings out a theme which was not very apparent
from the word frequencies (the word ``risk'' is only mentioned five
times in the project titles and only three projects really deal with
this notion), but which underlies many projects: the question of risks
associated with pollution and the use of space in this environment of
industrial heritage. This term, as well as the terms ``context'',
``evolution'' and ``red mud residue'' reflect the main questions raised
in the projects.

The other branch (see Figure~\ref{fig7}) brings together five other
classes, reiterating the two main groups seen earlier: one group
composed of classes~3, 2 and 6 related to ``soil'' issues, and another
group, comprising classes~1 and 5, dealing with atmospheric pollution
(class~1) and the environment (class~5). In detail, class~3 represents
studies on soils affected by bauxite residues and is closely linked to
class 2 focused on soil characterization methods to specify soil
quality. Class~6 singles out studies on ``slag heaps'' and in
particular their ``plant'' communities.

Class~1 details the risk (at $p < 0.01$) of ``air'' ``pollution'' of
the ``site'' by ``particles'', in particular linked to ``storage'' in an
``environment'' described as ``industrial''. Meanwhile, Class~5 takes up
the notion of environment, significantly associating the economic
environment via ``territory'' with the human environment via
``children'' and ``health''. The years are not associated in any
significant way with these themes; in other words, these themes are
found throughout the period, with no particular clustering in a given
year.

To sum up, lexicographical analysis shows that two issues have been
studied particularly with an interdisciplinary approach by natural,
earth and social sciences, with classic or innovative methodologies,
over the last 12 years: Mining-related slag heaps and the physical and
human environment threatened by the pollution from the alumina plant.
The research results related to these issues will be detailed in the
following section. Lexicographical analysis also shows that these two
main issues are articulated through the question of the development of
the territory, and its changes regarding its traditional ``energy
identity''. This might be a strand of research that could be deepened
in the future, and we will come back to this question in the
conclusion. 

\subsection{Focus on the results concerning alumina and slag heaps}

Diagnoses carried out on around ten slag heaps examined the danger
linked to the contaminants present in mining waste and the potential
offered by these deposits in scenarios ranging from reallocation to
ecological rehabilitation \citep{Folzeretal2015}. This insight,
obtained by combining geographical, historical, geochemical and
ecological data on the slag heaps in the Provence Coalfield, has opened
up perspectives that were not possible when a regulatory approach to
hazard and risk management was applied alone. Such perspectives mean
that slag heaps can no longer be considered merely as land for
development or remains of industrial waste that require management, but
instead as a legacy of the past, capable of evolving alone or supported
by ecological engineering, capable of acquiring biodiversity and
ecological functions despite the constraints of the environment,
capable of offering ecosystem services (recreational, cultural and
scientific) and, under the direction of the Labex DRIIHM and the OHM
BMP, of serving as a genuine open-air interdisciplinary laboratory.
\looseness=-1

The work focused on the alumina plant has proved to be similarly rich.
Since 2009 and even more so since 2014, the OHM-BMP has applied an
\mbox{interdisciplinary} approach to the question of potential health and
environmental impacts of the storage facility for residues from bauxite
\mbox{processing} at the Gardanne plant. This work first focused on
atmospheric particles from the storage site and their health and
environmental impacts \citep{Noacketal2012, Bonnefoyetal2017,
Bleyetal2019, Pourcelotetal2021}.
Further work was then carried out on the
possibilities of revegetating the site to avoid dust emissions
\citep{Fourrieretal2020,Fourrieretal2021} and on the opportunities for
recycling the residues \citep{Lallemandetal2022}. It also focused on
the views of the site's neighbours and residents of Gardanne regarding
the operation, development and future of the industrial site, opening
up the prospect of more transparent management \citep{MainardRouchier2019}. 
In this respect, the convergence of several disciplines has
enabled the scientists within the OHM BMP to communicate with all
stakeholders in a relevant way on questions that continue to be
explored \citep{Noack2020}.\looseness=-1

The events surrounding the takeover of the alumina plant by United
Mining Supply are now raising some new questions. As discussed above,
the new owner plans to stop using bauxite and to import alumina hydrate
in 2022. This would have multiple consequences locally: (a) cessation
of the bauxite treatment (red) will lead to job losses; (b) the
depositing of particles over the town of Gardanne should decrease but
not disappear completely (the alumina refinment (white) is also a
source of pollution); (c) as residue production ceases, atmospheric
pollution around the residues deposit site should also decrease,
provided that the site continues to be monitored and maintained; (d)
the rehabilitation of the 50-hectare storage site will need to be
addressed; (e) in the longer term, what future lies ahead for the
Gardanne plant? (f) in a broader perspective, what impact will these
changes have on industrial sovereignty, now that the focus is on
reindustrializing the territories? Geopolitics is firmly back on the
agenda and priorities are changing, which is why we need to approach
the possible scenarios and the prospects for a new equilibrium with
caution. 

\section{Conclusion: Towards what new equilibrium? Scenarios and perspectives for research}

At the very least, we can imagine two to three scenarios for the former
Provence Coalfield. The first is one of deindustrialization, based on
the socio-demographic trends observed. The residents who have settled
here because of the attractiveness of the landscapes and the living
environment, along with environmental associations and certain elected
representatives are generally hostile to industry. Even in Rousset,
where the dominant industry is high-tech, many stakeholders acknowledge
that the idea of a production sector is difficult to defend. A
business-as-usual scenario giving preference to this trend could lead
to significant deindustrialization of the former coalfield, which would
then mainly be promoted as a residential area. A second scenario of
negotiated equilibrium takes into account more recent trends such as
the taking into account by the actors of the territory of the energy
transition, the need to limit commuting, and the emergence of selective
reindustrialization policies for the territory. Shortages or
disruptions in the supply of electricity and goods could make
production activities more acceptable, to a certain extent, within the
framework of a new negotiated balance between economic activity,
residential needs and environmental protection. While scenarios~1 and~2
assume the existence of a relatively coherent territorial governance, a
third scenario of upheaval could imply difficulties in local governance
caused by the overlapping of layers of power and by interest groups.
This would result in an incoherent land use strategy and discordant
dynamics between the different parts of the area, which, it should be
recalled, are not brought together within any specific intercommunal
structure. 

Without pre-empting future balances, the research is deployed on an
empirical and theoretical level. The text for the 2022--2023 call for
research projects has already set out the research areas that remain
relevant, such as the fate of the major industrial establishments that
merit ongoing observation, together with the emerging research areas:
energy and ecological transitions affecting industry and agriculture,
against the background of climate challenges; or metropolitan
development, mobility, socio-demographic and socio-political changes,
plus the issues of governance and public policy. It will thus be
crucial to closely monitor the implementation of the ``Territorial Pact
for the Ecological and Industrial Transition of the Territory'' signed
in 2020 \citep{Perroux2022}. Initially focused on Gardanne and
Meyreuil, but with the possibility of extending it to other communities
in the area, what impact will this Pact have on preserving a shared
identity within the former Coalfield? What will be the future of the
Hynovera project (a platform for producing fuels from non-fossil
sources on the site of the Provence coal-fired power station),
following the referral of the project to the National Commission for
Public Debate (CNDP), a French entity in charge of
concertation? Particular attention will be paid to this participatory
democracy process, which will allow the OHM BMP to position itself as
an observer and participant in the public debate. 

More generally, the transition from a coal-based industrial regime to a
post-carbon system \citep{Durandetal2015} is a key interdisciplinary
research topic for a human--environment observatory, the founding event
of which is energy-based. A number of studies have been undertaken
since the 2010s and now need to be expanded to consider social,
environmental and technological factors. This is actually the case, for
example, with the ENERGON programme, a cross-cutting initiative
involving six OHMs focused on the role of the energy transition in
reshaping socio-ecosystems (SES). The study of the \textit{energy
transition} is more generally focused on the challenges of transitions
(in the plural) and \textit{resilience}, in line with the very purpose
of human--environment observatories \citep{Chenorkian2019}. We should
acknowledge that concepts are tools enabling us to chart new paths. The
emergence of the concept of \textit{transitions} in scientific and
political circles and among territorial stakeholders is requalifying
processes and opening up new perspectives. The concept of
\textit{resilience}, however, has been relatively overlooked in OHM-BMP
research, despite its heuristic potential. For Carl Folke, who was
involved in the founding work on SES, resilience is not only the
capacity of a system to absorb shocks and sustain itself, but also its
capacity to renew, reorganize and develop \citep{Folke2006}. We will
thus be able to explore to what extent the current transformations
illustrate this concept of resilience as well as the evolution towards
a new equilibrium.

\vspace*{-1pt}

\section*{Conflicts of interest}

Authors have no conflict of interest to declare.

\vspace*{-1pt}

\section*{Acknowledgments}

This work was cofunded by the Labex DRIIHM, French programme
Investissements d'Avenir (ANR-11-LABX-0010), managed by the ANR, and
the \mbox{Observatoire} Homme-Milieux Bassin Minier de Provence (OHM BMP).
Thanks to Patrick Pentsch for figures design and to Andrew Morris for
translation.

\CDRGrant[ANR]{ANR-11-LABX-0010}

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